Six Studies in The Decline and Fall of Professional Academic Philosophy, And A Real and Relevant Alternative, #6–Social Justice Theory and The Paradox of Distributive Social Justice.
By Robert Hanna
There are nowadays professors of philosophy, but not philosophers. Yet it is admirable to profess because it was once admirable to live. To be a philosopher is not merely to have subtle thoughts, nor even to found a school, but so to love wisdom as to live according to its dictates…. It is to solve some of the problems of life, not only theoretically, but practically. (Thoreau, 1957: p. 9)
Contemporary professional academic philosophy is careerist, conformist, coercive-&-authoritarian within its own social-institutional sphere, dogmatic, esoteric, hyper-specialized, and above all, irrelevant to the true needs of the rest of humanity outside the professional academy, even to the point of being fundamentally at odds with those needs. Although, as Kant, Schopenhauer, Thoreau, and Dewey all pointed out, these problems have been perennial since the emergence of professional academic philosophy in the 18th and 19th centuries–“there are nowadays professors of philosophy, but not philosophers” (Thoreau)–they have currently reached their final crisis stage. To demonstrate this, I present six short studies in the decline and fall of 20th and 21st century professional academic philosophy, describing the going-down of post-classical Analytic philosophy–together with its social-institutional Other, so-called “Continental philosophy”–into the ash-heap of history, with social justice theorists and identitarian multiculturalists coercively-&-moralistically presiding over its cognitive collapse and suicide. But all is not lost. I also present an alternative model of philosophy–which I call “life-shaping philosophy”–that’s (i) real, i.e., authentic and serious, pursuing and practicing philosophy as a full-time, lifetime calling, as sharply opposed to its being job-oriented, half-hearted, and Scholastically superficial, (ii) fully relevant-to-humanity by virtue of its being intellectually, morally, and politically autonomous, critical, collaborative, and creative, and that (iii) not only can but should be pursued and practiced outside the professional academy.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
II. On the Meaning and Use of the Terms “Analytic Philosophy” and “Continental Philosophy”
III. The Question That Quine Refused To Answer
IV. Analytic Metaphysics as a Copernican Devolution in Philosophy
V. Conceptual Engineering Debunked and Replaced
VI. Social Justice Theory and The Paradox of Distributive Social Justice
VII. Eminent Identitarians: Social Justice Theory, Identitarian Multiculturalism, and Moral Fanaticism
VIII. A Real and Relevant Alternative: Life-Shaping Philosophy
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VI. Social Justice Theory and The Paradox of Distributive Social Justice
As we saw in section II above, by the early 1980s the philosophical Great Divide between post-classical Analytic philosophy and so-called “Continental philosophy” was fully in place. At the same time, Rorty and others more or less systematically fused post-structuralism, deconstructionism, and what was left of Deweyan pragmatism (Rorty, 1982a; and Hanna, 1983) into philosophical post-modernism (see, for example, Rorty, 1983), aka Po-Mo, which also began to dominate in the applied and fine arts, and in Comparative Literature and Humanities Departments at colleges and universities worldwide, by vigorously rejecting and replacing modernism in all its forms, but especially high modernism. Po-Mo then gradually fused with what was left of the 1970s New Left, emerging identity politics, and social justice theory in the USA, and jointly created, by the mid-90s, inside the professional academy in general, the social-institutional dual powerhouse of social justice theory and identitarian multiculturalism (Rorty, 1994). This dual powerhouse then became a juggernaut by the turn of the millennium, and finally became a hegemonic ideology in the Marxian sense by the end of first two decades of the 21st century, not only inside the professional academy in general (Mann, 2019), but also and especially inside professional academic philosophy in particular. In this section I’ll critically examine social justice theory on its own; and then in the next section I’ll conjoin it with identitarian multiculturalism, and then critically examine the moral and sociopolitical implications of that social-institutional dual powerhouse insofar as it operates inside contemporary professional academic philosophy.
Social justice theory is the theory of how benefits (including wealth, opportunities, and social status) and burdens should be distributed in advanced capitalist, liberal, democratic nation-States. In turn, distributive social justice is the set of moral, social-institutional, and/or political principles, processes, and structures that determine the distribution of benefits and burdens in advanced capitalist, liberal, democratic nation-States. In their Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article on “Distributive Justice,” Julian Lamont and Christi Favor quite correctly although somewhat tautologously note that
[p]rinciples of distributive justice are … best thought of as providing moral guidance for the political processes and structures that … [determine] the distribution of benefits and burdens in [capitalist, liberal, democratic] societies, and any principles which do offer this kind of moral guidance on distribution, regardless of the terminology they employ, should be considered principles of distributive justice. (Lamont and Favor, 2017)
Against that theoretical backdrop, I’ll present and elaborate a basic problem, indeed, a paradox, about distributive social justice in any social institution or State, but especially including contemporary ultra-advanced capitalist, neoliberal, quasi-democratic States like the USA — as enshrined philosophically, for example, in John Rawls’s highly influential and indeed, as regards Anglo-American political theory since the 1970s, hegemonic Theory of Justice. (Rawls, 1971).
The basic problem is what I call The Paradox of Distributive Social Justice. Simply put, The Paradox is that insofar as principles of distributive social justice are applied to an oppressive social system in order fundamentally to change it or end it, then even despite its ideological overlay of “justice-as-fairness,” this actually turns out to be the most effective way to perpetuate the oppressive system itself. More explicitly, with the ideological overlay in shudder-quotes:
Suppose that an oppressive social system OSS exists in any State, such that there is an oppressor class who collectively and individually greatly benefit from OSS, and also an oppressed class, who collectively and individually greatly suffer under OSS. And further suppose that the leading members of the oppressor class in OSS recognize, at a given time, that OSS is in serious danger of collapsing if things go on in the same way. So the leading members of the oppressor class calculatingly and prudently create a “fair and therefore just” system of compensating a certain non-trivial but still strategically small number of more-or-less[i] randomly-selected members of the oppressed class, by giving them access to some or all of the benefits enjoyed by the oppressor class. Then this “fair and therefore just” distribution of compensation for oppression not only does nothing to fundamentally change or end OSS, it actually turns out to be the most effective way of perpetuating OSS.
An important corollary of The Paradox is that if the leading oppressors fail to act in this calculating and prudent “fair and therefore just” way, then their oppressive social system eventually collapses. For example, let OSS be the enslavement of black people in the USA in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. Then The Paradox guarantees that if, in the early 19th century, the leading Southern American slave-masters had, contrary to actual fact, seen the writing on the wall, then calculatingly and prudently created a “fair and therefore just” system of admitting a certain non-trivial but still strategically small number of more-or-less randomly selected slaves either into the oppressor class of slave-masters, or into a complicit class of fairly well-paid, fairly high social-status bureaucrats, professionals, managers, or skilled laborers who served the class of slave-masters, then the USA would never have experienced the Civil War of 1860–65, and would still be a slave State, at least throughout most of the South. Of course in actual fact the slave-masters did not do this, so the oppressive system of slavery in the USA collapsed — although, to be sure, a new non-slavery system of racist oppression soon arose to take its place, during the Jim Crow period, and has continued to exist and evolve ever since, an oppressive system that’s nowadays called systemic racism (Anderson, 2016).
Now, let OSS be capitalism in Europe and North America from the end of the 18th century onwards. Then we can ask: Why didn’t post-18th century capitalism in Europe and North America collapse due to its internal dialectical social and economic contradictions by the end of the 19th century or early 20th century, as Marx had fervently hoped and confidently predicted? The answer, clearly and distinctly, is provided by The Paradox. The leading late 19th and early 20th century capitalist bosses, rightly worried about communism, calculatingly and prudently created a “fair and therefore just” system of admitting a certain non-trivial but still strategically small number of more-or-less randomly-selected members of the working class or below, aka the proletariat or lumpen proletariat, either into the oppressor class of capitalist bosses, or into the complicit class of fairly well-paid, fairly high social status bureaucrats, professionals, managers, or skilled laborers, who serve the class of capitalist bosses.[ii] They called it “upward social mobility” and then more recently, “equal opportunity,” and currently — when it’s combined with principles of distributive racial social justice — “diversity, equity, and inclusion.” As a consequence, distributive social justice not only did nothing fundamentally to change or end capitalist oppression, it actually turned out to be the most effective way of perpetuating it.
Here, then, is the philosophico-political moral of The Paradox:
You can never fundamentally change or end an oppressive social or political system by buying off more-or-less randomly selected small numbers of its victims in a “fair and therefore just” way; in fact, this is the most effective way of perpetuating the very system you’re purportedly trying to ameliorate.
Therefore, for example, paradoxically, and perhaps most counterintuitively, widely applying the distributive racial social justice principle of “diversity, equity, and inclusion,” is in fact the most effective way of perpetuating systemic racism. For, how could admitting a certain non-trivial but still strategically small number of more-or-less randomly-selected victims of systemic racism into the lower or higher echelons of an immoral social system that oppresses all victims of racism, thereby providing that new elite group with benefits that the other victims of racism — i.e., the majority of those oppressed by that immoral social system — so obviously lack and are systematically prevented from ever obtaining, ever fundamentally change or end systemic racism?
By way of concluding this section, I should also say that I strongly believe that there’s a completely adequate solution to The Paradox. In order fundamentally to change or end any oppressive social system, what’s required is devolving and dismantling that social system in a step-by-step way — thereby exiting it — together with the design, creation, and maintenance of a set of essentially different, coherently interlinked social institutions that collectively guarantee absolutely universal sufficient respect for human dignity and thereby also collectively provide the means for satisfying everyone’s true human needs. But because this is also a radical solution that requires jettisoning the theory, morality, politics, and ideology of distributive social justice altogether, as well as devolving, dismantling, and exiting the coercive authoritarian and inherently oppressive social system of capitalist liberal democratic Statism itself — namely, broadly and radically Kantian dignitarian cosmopolitan anarcho-socialism (Hanna, 2016c, 2017c, 2018d, 2020b) — I very much doubt, to put it mildly, that it will attract much support from, for example, contemporary American ultra-capitalist neoliberal quasi-democratic right-conservatives, neofascists, right-libertarians, centrists, left-liberals, faux-“progressives,” etc., etc., or indeed and above all, from anyone inside professional academic philosophy. So, short of that radical solution, The Paradox stands.
[i] Usually there are also hidden criteria that pre-select prospective oppressed-class beneficiaries for docility and obedience — e.g., having a “squeaky clean” police record.
[ii] This is confirmed, at least for the USA, by empirical data about about the size and specific constitution of the American working class during the 20th and 21st centuries. See, e.g., (Rowell, 2017).
AGAINST PROFESSIONAL PHILOSOPHY REDUX 649
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